国际政治经典选读（世界政治与国际关系原版影印丛书）

    在我们这些长期搞国际政治理论的人看来，美国在国际政治学界的地位，恰似它作为超级大国在全球政治中的位置一样，有着难以撼动的优势和特色，也有不易察觉的弱点和盲点。
全书分为四大部分。第一部分“无政府状态及其后果”，从经典的国际政治命题出发，讨论国际无政府状态的特质、约束这种状态的各种因素，以及权力对于国家行为体的重要性。第二部分“武力的使用”，在前一部分的基础上，聚焦于国家如何在国际政治舞台上使用武力以实现国家利益的问题。第三部分“国际政治经济学”，表现了美国学者最喜爱的研究领域之一。最后一部分“当代世界政治”，主要是提示了时下困扰世人的许多热点与危机，涉及的问题有亨廷顿的“文明的冲突”、反美恐怖主义“基地”的狡诈多端、布什主义的特点、美国新保守主义的“帝国”野心、单极世界下的多极角逐、“失败国家”与内战频发、种族冲突的各种形态、自然资源的掠夺性开发、温室效应的成因、跨国行为体的网络、人权问题的国际化、欧洲的一体化推进及其问题、国际法在新形势下面临的深刻矛盾等等。这些专题在美国国际政治学界得到充分的争论，形成了大量著述和观点，本部分选取的是那些由名家撰写并产生了广泛影响的内容。

美国在国际政治学界的地位，恰似它作为超级大国在全球政治中的位置一样，有着难以撼动的优势和特色，也有不易察觉的弱点和盲点。而《国际政治经典选读》，便是一本有代表性的美国作品。
全书分为四大部分。第一部分“无政府状态及其后果”，从经典的国际政治命题出发，讨论国际无政府状态的特质、约束这种状态的各种因素，以及权力对于国家行为体的重要性。第二部分“武力的使用”，在前一部分的基础上，聚焦于国家如何在国际政治舞台上使用武力以实现国家利益的问题。第三部分“国际政治经济学”，表现了美国学者最喜爱的研究领域之一。最后一部分“当代世界政治”，主要提示了时下困扰世人的许多热点和危机。

Detalled Contents
Preface
PART 1 ANARCHY AND LTS CONSEQUENCES
Power and priciple in Statecraft
The Consequences of Anarchy
The Mitlgation of Anarchy
PART 2 THE USES OF FORCE
The Political of Force
The Polltiacl Utillty of Force Today
The Sprdad of Nuclear Weapons
PART 3 THE LNTERNATLONAL POLLTICALPOLITICAL ECONOMY
Perspectives on Political Economy
Interdependence and Globballazation
The Pros and Cons of Globalzation
PART 4 CONTEMPORARY WORLD POSITICS
Confict,War,and Terrorism
The Uses of American Power
Falled States,Civll Wars,and Nation-Building
The Environment and Climate Change
New Actors and New Forces

1 Anarchy and Its consequences
unlike domestic politics, international politics takes place in an arena that has no central governing body. From this central fact flow important consequences for the behavior of states. In Part One, we explore three of them: the role that principles and morality can and should play in statecraft; the effects that anarchy has on how states view and relate to one another; and the ways that the harsher edges of anarchy can be mitigated, even if not wholly removed.
POWER AND PRINCIPLE IN STATECRAFT
Citizens, students, and scholars alike often take up the study of international politics because they want their country to behave in as principled a way as possible. But they soon discover that principle and power, morality and statecraft do not easily mix. Why should this be? Is it inevitable? Can and should states seek to do good in the world? Will they endanger themselves and harm others if they try?
These are timeless questions, having been asked by observers of international politics in nearly every previous era. They therefore make a good starting point for thinking about the nature of international politics and the choices states face in our era. Hans J. Morgenthau, one of the leading proponents of the approach known as Realism (also known as power politics), takes the classic Realist position: universal standards of morality cannot be an invariable guide to statecraft because there is an "ineluctable tension between the moral command and the requirements of successful political action." Rather than base statecraft on morality, Morgenthau argues that state actors must think and act in terms of power and must do whatever it takes to defend the national interests of their state. J. Ann Tickner, commenting on the primacy of power in Morgenthau's writings, explains that what he considers to be a realistic description of international politics is only a picture of the past and therefore not a prediction about the future, and pro
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